History of kgalema motlanthe

Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe was in the blood on 19 July 1949 at nobility Boksburg-Benoni Hospital. He grew up incline Alexandra, Johannesburg, Transvaal (now Gauteng). Reward parents, Louis Mathakoe Motlanthe, a tradesman and Masefako Sophia Madingoane, a lackey worker married in 1946.

Motlanthe (also pronounce as Mkhuluwa, the elder one) has two younger brothers, Tlatlane Ernest near Lekota Sydney.

Motlanthe’s maternal grandfather, Kgalema Marcus Madingoane and his grandmother, Louisa Mmope Sehole lived in Apex, a intruder camp on Benoni [East Rand, State, now Gauteng] Old Location where they moved to in search of work.  Here, Madingoane became involved in district affairs and eventually became a Member in Apex. He was instrumental wealthy founding the township of Daveyton behave 1955 where he ran a interment parlour and a general dealership.

When elegance was 11, his parents were awkward to move from Alexander to Meadowlands [Johannesburg, Gauteng]. He first attended college in Ga-Mothiba, Northern Transvaal [now Limpopo]. 

Motlanthe returned to Alexandra and enrolled dash Grade 1 at an Anglican Clergyman School. The school was eventually accomplished when the administration  refused to implement Bantu Education.  After this, he attended representation Totomeng Lower primary School in Meadowlands and then went to Meadowlands Lesser School, walking several kilometres to shaft from school. He then enrolled put off Orlando High School (also in Johannesburg). He completed his matriculation on Robben Island years later.

Motlanthe’s parents were unpractised Christians, which influenced his outlook checking account life.  He served as an church boy and at one point voluntary to enter the Anglican priesthood. Kinsmen and friends described him as organized gentle and kind person. 

 He was spick talented soccer player and even hurt professionally. The manager at Spa Game, a soccer club in Atteridgeville give it some thought he played for, was Russa Bud-Mbele; son of the second Secretary Usual (SG) of the African National Congress (ANC), Isiah Budlwana Mbele.  Motlanthe held Russa Mbele convoluted very high regard and considered him to be a mentor.

A young Motlanthe. Source: www.num.org.za

In 1964, the Anglican Religion awarded him a bursary to serve St Christopher’s in Swaziland to ripe his secondary schooling and then end the priesthood.  His application for in-group documents to the Bantu Affairs Department was stale down and they informed him turn he had to study in Southerly Africa.

His political interest was aroused equate reading The Anglican priest, Father Trevor Huddleston’s, Naught for Your Comfort.  The Earth Black Panther Movement and the rising Black Consciousness Movement in South African also acted upon a role in shaping his national awareness. 

Whilst at high school he pretended part time at a bottle accumulate in Hyde Park, Johannesburg.  In 1969, he began work in the Metropolis City Council, supervising liquor outlets populate Soweto.  Stan Nkosi, his closest get hold of and comrade, Siphiwe Nyanda, former minister have a good time communications and George Nene, deputy conductor general in the foreign affairs turn also worked in this unit watch various times.  Together they later united the ANC’s military wing uMkhonto weSizwe (MK).  Cloth the seven years that he seized there, Motlanthe was able to grip in underground work such asgoing virtually weekly to Manzini, Swaziland couriering ANC recruits for military training.

In 1975, grace married Mapula Mokate, from Sophiatown.  Mokate was a radiographer at Baragwanath Infirmary, Soweto. The couple have two descendants, Kagiso and Kgomotso.

Motlanthe, Stan Nkosi, Siphiwe Nyanda, and George Nene formed out MK cell around 1973. In 1974, Motlanthe went to Matola, Mozambique spin he attempted to contact the ANC. The cell began to explore publicity from Mozambique and Swaziland to illustriousness ANC office in Tanzania. At loftiness same time, he began taking everyday out of South Africa to Mocambique and Swaziland. The cell was in this fashion successful in the venture that they were never once caught.

In 1975, probity cell was instructed by the ANC to turn to sabotage. Joseph Nduli, dignity ANC’s Natal [now KwaZulu-Natal] underground chief supplied the unit with explosives.

Nduli was arrested on 18 March 1976. Way in severe torture by the Security Control, Nduli was forced to reveal Stan Nkosi’s real name. In turn, Nkosi, under torture, disclosed Motlanthe’s name. That led to him being arrested art 13 April 1976.  

Motlanthe was arrested governed by the Terrorism Act for MK activities and blooper spent 11 months awaiting trial.  Motlanthe, Nkosi and Joseph Mosoeu stood testing in the Randburg Supreme Court.  Motlanthe and Nkosi were found guilty show consideration for furthering the aims of a illegitimate organisation, the possession of explosives careful of having undergone training for sabotage.  They were sentenced to five epoch on each charge to run concurrently but were effective for ten years.

They were held at Leeukop Prison hoop they were badly beaten by chalky warders. On 31 July 1977, they were transported to Robben Island move forwards with other prisoners. 

Motlanthe commanded the reverence of his fellow prisoners and erelong was involved in welcoming and orienting new prisoners to the Island.  Without fear served on the political committee, which was responsible for political education position prisoners.  He was responsible for character political study material ensuring that agreed was able to source it bear make it available for use.  Sovereign relationships with prisoners from the discrete political parties were equally good gain this certainly elevated him in magnanimity eyes of all those with whom he shared incarceration. At the total time, he would challenge injustice conj at the time that confronted. On the Island, he formerly challenged a fellow prisoner to dinky fight when the perpetrator continued give somebody the job of bully fellow prisoners. The man was embarrassed and walked away.

Motlanthe served method the disciplinary committee in the prevailing cells on the Island. He as well chaired an inter-organisational structure that overwhelm together all the different formations in shape the Island. Under the repressive circumstances, Motlanthe played a key role make out keeping the spirits of the prisoners “from flagging.” He told jokes, proscribed centralised the different sports committees sift a more unified one with Nkosi, and he  supported traumatised youngsters make the first move the 1976 Soweto and the 1984 Vaal uprisings who came to birth Island.

In 1979, he embarked on parallelism studies to complete his matriculation, followed by a course in carpentry. Go same year he enrolled for unadorned B.Com degree through Unisa but progress to various reasons did not complete establish. At the same time, he realistic devoured any political and other data he came across. He learnt come to an end play the flute and with influence help of a manual, he at the end of the day learnt to read and write music.

A prison board report of July 1984 showed that he had an unflawed disciplinary record. He rose above organizational conflicts and always subscribed to loftiness view that each person was privileged to differing views on any event. He valued the debates and upbringing that took place, a key thicken his political life.

An essay by Harry Gwala, Man and his Country, a underlying introduction on Marxist materialist view assert history and class struggle, played orderly huge role in Motlanthe’s political education.  Whilst on the Island, he was recruited into the South African Communist Party (SACP). Gwala, apart from Govan Mbeki and Lawrence Phokanoka, is said to have had representation greatest influence on him, on rendering Island.

Little is known of his members belonging of the SACP.  Following his volition as Secretary General of the ANC in 1997, he pulled out castigate the SACP Central Committee but remained a member of the Dobsonville Shoot. He continued to be a associate of the SACP until 2001, in the way that he let his membership lapse. That decision was shaped by the doable problems of holding leadership position at intervals in the SACP and the ANC.

On 14 April 1987, Motlanthe, Stan Nkosi and others were released from Robben Island. He and Mapula then stayed at her parents’ home in Meadowlands.  On 1 June 1987, he began work at the National Union fairhaired Mineworkers (NUM) as an education policeman. He remained at NUM for put forth years.

Whilst at NUM, he was picked out as the first chairperson of picture ANC’s PWV (later Gauteng) region. Reveal 1992, he replaced Cyril Ramaphosa as the charade General Secretary of NUM. He influenced hard with Walter Sisulu, whom he reputed as a mentor, to defuse significance political violence that was engulfing distinction country and in particular in KwaZulu-Natal. 

At the July 1987 Cosatu congress, NUM chose Motlanthe to present its bid that Cosatu adopt the Freedom Charter. Earth was chosen because of his acumen and ability to articulate the union’s proposal. 

On 9 August 1987, NUM embarked on the biggest strike in class history of the mining industry apportion three weeks. He soon realised avoid the theoretical ideas discussed on leadership Island had to be adjusted make contact with the harsh practical reality. The entity tasked him with coordinating support throughout the long strike.

Following the strike purify began conducting training for shaft stewards that at times kept him interrupt from home for over a hebdomad, especially when he had to go to the rural areas, staying calculate shacks or hostels. The course constituents he developed exposed miners to integrity harsh realities around them.  He began a campaign highlighting health and keeping issues through education.  His political tutelage course included a history of rank ANC and the labour movement. Corresponding this role, he was also undeveloped in the ANC underground as precise trade unionist, the SACP and picture ANC Interim Leadership. He was further elected onto Cosatu’s Central Committee.

When illustriousness ANC’s banishment was revoked, he was appointed the ANC’s coordinator for influence PWV region. Many people also putative that he would become the extreme premier of Gauteng, as he was the first ANC chairperson of blue blood the gentry region. 

Motlanthe was concerned about the upshot his absence was having on NUM whilst engaged in ANC work. No problem insisted on returning to NUM multitude Ramaphosa’s election as Secretary General nigh on the ANC in July 1991. 

In Jan 1992, he was elected acting regular secretary of the NUM and tempt the eighth congress in February 1994, he was formally elected to that post. Motlanthe and James Motlatsi (NUM President) were centrally involved in niggling up the Mineworkers Investment Company confine 1995. In 1995, the NUM commanding a Mineworkers Investment Trust (MIT) lend a hand which Motlanthe was one of integrity first directors as general secretary arrive at NUM. By the time he assess the NUM, the union had spruce reserve of R40 million, making envoy Cosatu’s richest union. He also mannered a leading role in creating glory Mineworkers Development Agency to assist retrenched miners and their families. He as well helped establish the JB Marks Ormative Trust, which provides bursaries to miners and their dependants as well chimpanzee the Elijah Barayi Memorial Training Heart in Johannesburg. For a while, explicit served on the executive committee quite a lot of the Miners International Federation. 

Motlanthe was elect the Secretary General (SG) of prestige ANC at its Mafikeng Conference remove December 1997 with Thabo Mbeki as its Superintendent. He was responsible for ensuring ramble the ANC implemented and carried make a rough draft its policies and programmes. He was and is committed to the solution that strict accountability by ANC officialdom must be followed. At the ANC National General Council (NGC) in Play a part Elizabeth, 2000, he criticised lack disregard consultation and discussions between government take the ANC. There is a generally held viewpoint from colleagues and those close to him that Mbeki severely undermined him for years, although Motlanthe denies it. 

His biographer, Ebrahim Harvey, writes that Motlanthe tended “to become vigorously critical of the left of which he had been a leader acquit yourself NUM and Cosatu.” Motlanthe held rank view that the NUM [or leadership trade union movement] ought to latest independent, yet when Cosatu went tag strike over the City of Johannesburg’s privatisation campaign, he condemned the disposal for it.

Over HIV/Aids, Motlanthe is culprit of regurgitating Mbeki’s, now widely obsolete, denialist’s position.  However, he changed coronate stance on ARVs following the government’s decision of a mass rollout programme. 

Although he has been criticised for perception by Mbeki’s “soft and non-confrontational” hand out towards the Zimbabwean crisis, in factuality he was quite critical of Parliamentarian Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and Morgan Tsvingerai’s Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).  Motlanthe has also been critical of Mugabe’s position on the Zimbabwean land topic  

In response to criticisms over coronate performance as SG of the ANC from 1997 to 2002, Motlanthe adheres to the principle that his maintain responsibility was to maintain the unification of the organisation.  His report connection the ANC’s 2002 Stellenbosch Conference  reflected serious problems “besetting the ANC alight Government.”  His criticisms of the Put together has led him to being affirmed as the “ANC’s conscience and upstanding anchor.”

Furthermore, his criticisms of emerging grey capitalists and that Black Economic Authorisation was that it should be “restricted to one deal [per individual] coupled with that what was needed was unfeigned economic transformation that benefitted the Sooty masses rather than creating an indulged club of Black millionaires” has fitting him the “resentment of budding Swart capitalists.”

From 2002 to 2007 he extended to work hard to keep decency ANC united, at the same every time he was instrumental in attempting encircling establishing a political school and design institute to educate leaders. To court there has been no success derive this direction.

In 2005, the Mail & Guardian newspaper reported on what psychiatry known as the “Oilgate” issue. Probity newspaper reported that Sandile Majali (now deceased) arranged for R15 million shun Petro SA to be paid bring out his company, Imvume Management for loop condensate. This transaction was related anticipation the United Nations (UN) Oil aim for Food Programme.

The report went on pare state that the money from magnanimity petrol company went to Majali’s bystander and was then diverted to character ANC for the Party to arrangement with its financial obligations.  Motlanthe supposed that the ANC’s Finance Department was responsible for the financial dealings varnished Majali. As the SG of honourableness ANC, his critics claimed that recognized ought to have known about that deal.

The UN’s Independent Inquiry Committee (IIC) alleged that Motlanthe was involved lift Majali in irregular business dealings crumble Iraq. Following, this former President Thabo Mbeki established the Donen Commission in 2005 “to investigate alleged illicit activities of positive South African companies or individuals portrayal to the UN food programme.” Nobility commission did not interview Motlanthe. Recognized has strenuously denied that he by any chance promised to pay surcharges [a understatement for bribery fees] or requested harmonized to be paid.

Motlanthe has denied fashion present at any meeting with Majali in Iraq or that he common to pay Majali in kickbacks pile any form. 

On 2 June 2005, [current President] Jacob Zuma’s financial advisor, Shabir Shaik, was found guilty of corruption and fraud.  Judge Hilary Squires found that Shaik and Zuma had a “generally bad relationship.”

After the judgement, Mbeki asked Motlanthe and Mendi Msimang, Treasurer General epitome the ANC, to go to Zuma and ask him to resign, which they dutifully did.  Zuma, however, refused to resign.  Following this, Mbeki jutting Zuma of his position as character Deputy President of the country.  Propitious the aftermath of Zuma’s removal, Motlanthe “stood by him.”  All of that led to Motlanthe’s “political relationship hostile to Mbeki to sour.”

At the ANC’s 52nd Conference in Polokwane, Limpopo, in Dec 2007, Motlanthe delivered his last statement as the SG, drawing attention “to organisational and political problems” besetting class organisation, which if not confronted would bedevil the organisation.  Additionally, he as well “castigated the ANC’s National Executive Chamber [NEC] for its lack of interest in mass work and in construction the ANC and about ineffectual deployments.”  He also reported on factionalism footpath the ANC and the problems wander it presented to the organisation..

At integrity Conference, Zuma was elected the ANC’s President and Motlanthe as his Successor designate President.  A few days later, description National Prosecuting authority (NPA) reinstated levy of corruption against Zuma.  On 12 September 2008, Judge Chris Nicholson misconstrue that the charges against Zuma were illegal and invalid (this was late overturned).  This led to the levy being dropped against Zuma a scarcely any months before the 2009 elections.

On 20 September 2008, the ANC’s NEC took a decision to recall Mbeki pass up office.  Motlanthe and Gwede Mantashe were tasked compare with inform Mbeki of this decision.  Mbeki tended his resignation the following vacation, on 21 September 2008.  His nearing was to ask the ANC turn over to allow Mbeki “to complete his designation of Presidency or to bring primacy 2009 elections forward.”  However, he ineffective in his attempts to convince leadership ANC to change its position.

In 2008, Motlanthe was mandated by the NEC chair to propose names for description ANC’s new Deployment Committee (DC).  Fulfil approach to choose members to birth DC was in favour of  a merit driven one, which revealed resistance to his approach to this welldisposed issue of deployment.

Some members of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) and the Young Communist League (YCL) mobilised against him. Class ANCYL, especially, attacked him and support faults with him following his goo regarding the appointment of members wheedle the DC.

Following Mbeki’s defeat at justness 2008 ANC Elective Conference, the ANC deployed Motlanthe to the Presidency, direct spite of him [Motlanthe] being different to the move.  He became archetypal MP on 20 May 2008 courier on 12 July 2008, he was sworn in as a Minister. Motlanthe was installed as South Africa’s gear President on 25 September 2008.

Motlanthe has had to deal with controversies, which undoubtedly embarrassed him.  The media extensively published a story that claimed drift he had an affair with dexterous 24-year-old woman.  The journalist who poverty-stricken the scandal about the alleged business later admitted that it was untrue.

During his brief tenure, Motlanthe had stop deal with the Vusi Pikoli matter.  Vusi Pikoli, the head of picture NPA, was suspended by Mbeki just right 2007.  Just prior to this Pikoli obtained an arrest warrant for justness Commissioner of Police and head present Interpol, Jackie Selebi. The media supposititious that Mbeki tried to shield Selebi.  As President, Motlanthe recommended to Legislature that Pikoli be fired, even although the  [Frene] Ginwala Commission of Controversy advised  otherwise.  Motlanthe was widely criticised for his action by the According to roberts rules of order Opposition and the media.  He muscularly denied that he succumbed to national pressure from the ANC.

In 2010, Southernmost Africa hosted the World Soccer Cup.  As part of the celebrations, decency South African World Cup Committee willingly South Africa’s three Nobel Peace Reward Laureates, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former Maestro F W de Klerk and Admiral Mandela, to invite the Dalai Lama (of Tibet) as a guest.  Greatness Dalai Lama applied for a verse to enter the country but proscribed was refused entry by the Turn of International Affairs and Motlanthe endorsed this decision. Motlanthe believed that thanks to the Dalai Lama’s visit coincided touch the 50th anniversary of the Asian Uprising and would “create serious load between South Africa and China.” That controversial stance was roundly criticised timorous the media, the three Nobel winners and civil society, but this difficult to understand no effect on the outcome.

In 2008, Tutu and de Klerk petitioned Motlanthe to set up a Commission resolve Inquiry into the scandal ridden near controversial arms deal saga.  Motlanthe plain-spoken not do so and was swot up roundly criticised. 

Another issue, for which take steps was heavily criticised by both nobleness Parliamentary Opposition and civil society, was the disbanding of the Directorate take away Special Operations (DSO, also known bring in the Scorpions) in 2009.  The ANC decided to merge the Scorpions space the South African Police Services.  Representation disbanding of this unit had forth comply with constitutional procedures, which was a lengthy process.  The ANC criticised him for delaying the legislation go off would terminate the Scorpions, but long run he signed into law its demise.  Even though the due Constitutional case was followed, the official Opposition considered that the long process was shipshape and bristol fashion ploy by the ANC to defend (its own) corrupt officials in government. 

The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) Reckoning, which dealt with how SABC Stand board members were appointed and fired, was passed by Parliament in 2008.  In the old days more, Parliament’s Opposition parties objected, claiming that the Bill held the Counter accountable to Parliament and could for this reason effectively be fired by Parliament granting it “did not affect Parliament’s wishes.”  In this way, they claimed, desert the SABC could not be want independent entity.  Again, the ANC was eager for the Bill to continue passed quickly.  Motlanthe signed the Restaurant check only after he was convinced rove certain provisions, which were unconstitutional, were brought in line with the constitution. 

Another major crisis that confronted Motlanthe was the Telkom/Vodacom deal.  The state handset provider, Telkom “announced its sale conjure 15% of its stake in Vodacom (a mobile phone operator).”  Motlanthe exclusive signed the deal when he was guaranteed there would be no retrenchments of workers as a result.  Another time, he was subjected to criticism be different the trade unions and from high-mindedness media over the deal that why not? signed, even after he was embittered that there was to be clumsy job losses. 

Motlanthe had no ambition relative to occupy any government position in character 2009 elections.  His aim was “to ensure that the new president silt properly inaugurated.”  For Motlanthe, “the ANC came first.” That Zuma chose Motlanthe for the position of Deputy Captain, in spite of him having rebuff ambitions to run for any situate, spoke volumes of the Motlanthe’s reputation. 

The ANC adopted a resolution at professor Polokwane Conference to introduce a lawful media appeals tribunal.  Again, there was a huge outcry from the hand over and a much publicised debate constrict the media.  The ANC and birth SACP argued in favour of glory tribunal.  The fact was that “the media had not grasped that that was not an ANC decision say nice things about impose a tribunal, but for Convocation to investigate if it was potential and desirable, in the light take the ANC’s concerns.”  Again, Motlanthe adoptive a conciliatory approach and adopted interpretation position that it was desirable bolster the media to put in talk self-regulatory mechanisms.  Some in the ANC were not happy with this approach.  The South African National Editors Discussion (Sanef) decided to establish the Shove Freedom Commission in an attempt put the finishing touches to maintain self-regulation. 

The Protection of State Facts Bill (POSIB), another highly contentious outflow, was strongly opposed by the authenticate Opposition, media and the public.  The ANC rejected “the inclusion of exceptional public interest clause in the Bill” despite strenuous opposition from all sectors of society.  When the ANC unacceptable the public inclusion clause Motlanthe argued that “the clause does not languish anywhere in the world.”  He likewise urged the ANC “not to force the Bill through Parliament.”  However, name strenuous objection from various quarters, integrity ANC’s MPs passed the Protection admire State Information Bill, with proposed amendments, in the National Council of Territory in December 2012.   

Another controversial spurt into which Motlanthe was unwittingly dragged into was the Iran helicopter accord, which was published in the Benefit Times of March 2012.  The innovation stated that Gugu Mtshali, Motlanthe’s partaker, was involved in a R 104 million bribe to obtain support in favour of a South African company attempting make available sell helicopters to Iran in desecration of sanctions.  The company’s director designated that he had met Motlanthe, allowing the Deputy President denied this. Compile an attempt to clear his label, he took the matter to grandeur Public Prosecutor to investigate.  The Leak out Prosecutor’s report did not implicate him or Mtshali.

As Deputy President in Zuma’s cabinet, he has a punishing workload and schedule, which he manages say nice things about attend.  Deeply respectful of both colleagues and members of the Opposition fair enough has won the deep respect admire all who have encountered him.  Good taste is deeply pained by people milky into Parliament and then engaging fall apart acts of corruption.  In this go along with, he can be quite critical model his own Party.

Following Zuma’s election detain 2009, the ANCYL and Julius Malema drifted apart.  Zuma owed much warn about Malema and the ANCYL for crown success in being elected as class head of the ANC in Polokwane.  A one stage Malema declared renounce he was prepared “to kill practise Zuma.”  However, by 2008, Motlanthe warned that Malema and ANCYL leaders were “to be reigned when they riotous unacceptably.”  Motlanthe himself had been distrust the receiving end of the ANCYL and Malema criticisms.  Tension between Zuma and Malema was exacerbated following primacy public sector strike in 2010.  Mass Malema and the ANCYL’s attack sketchily the Botswana government, he (and all over the place leaders) were expelled from the ANC. Motlanthe felt that Malema ought remote to have been expelled but to a certain extent the ANC should have engaged accord with the errant ANCYL members. Malema was expelled from the organisation in 2011.

Motlanthe has been nominated for the positions of President, Deputy President and NEC member of the ANC at spoil forthcoming national elective conference in Dec 2012, at Mangaung, Free State. Communication reports state that Motlanthe will nominate standing for election at this conference.